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People queue up to vote in the 2021 Mexican elections
Voters had the option to strengthen López Obrador’s grasp on power; instead they used the midterms to maintain democratic constraints on the presidency
People queue up to vote in the 2021 Mexican elections
Voters had the option to strengthen López Obrador’s grasp on power; instead they used the midterms to maintain democratic constraints on the presidency

Mexican president suffers setback in country's deadliest election in decades

Mexican president suffers setback in country's deadliest election in decades

Mexicans in the country’s , widely seen as a referendum on his administration’s self-proclaimed “” of Mexico.

López Obrador had hoped to secure the two-thirds congressional supermajority required to usher through uncontested. Instead, preliminary results indicate his Morena party will lose in Mexico’s lower house of Congress. Morena currently holds but effectively controls because of its alliances, mainly with the Labor Party and the – which despite its name .

Morena holds , which weren’t up for election this year.

This was the , both in voting population and candidacies. Some 94 million Mexicans cast ballots for . All 500 seats in the lower house of Congress were up for grabs, as were 15 governorships, 1,923 mayoralties and thousands of other local posts.

It was also Mexico’s deadliest election in recent history.

According to the Etellekt consulting firm, since campaigning began last September. Hundreds more candidates were . Nearly 200 poll sites were shuttered in the states of because officials there said they could not guarantee the safety of voters.

A bloody race

The main opposition that dented Morena’s dominance was a of Mexico’s : the center-right Revolutionary Institutional Party, right-wing National Action Party and leftist Party of the Democratic Revolution. The Citizen’s Movement, a social-democratic party, .

Morena and is leading in 10 of 15 gubernatorial races. But it suffered in Mexico City, .

López Obrador , after promising to put “” and , which consistently has among the world’s highest murder rates.

Instead, he has overseen rising poverty and the most violent period of Mexican history, with .

Mexican President Andrés Manuel López Obrador shows his credential before voting on June 6, 2021.

 

Mexico’s crime wave began well before the López Obrador administration, with President Felipe Calderon’s 2006 declaration of a “” that got .

Rather than follow through on his creative campaign pledges to reduce violence, López Obrador has , expanding the military’s involvement in law enforcement despite its .

Most electoral violence seen during the midterm election season occurred in the cartel-dominated Mexican states of . There, criminal groups often offer local public servants and candidates the infamous choice of “,” which translates to “plata o plomo.” In other words, take a bribe or get shot.

against politicians or candidates this election season were against local officials. Municipal leaders are appealing targets because criminal groups can intimidate lower-level officials into handing over parts of municipal budgets or calling off local police.

Campaigning at press conferences

Out of 89 murdered politicians, . Even so, López Obrador dismisses reports on Mexico’s electoral violence as .

In his June 2 daily press conference, Mexicans “do not live in a perfect society” but claimed “peace and tranquility” reign.

The president’s morning press conferences, which can last for up to three hours, frequently include diatribes against the reporters asking him questions, attacks on and accusations against . He also uses press conferences to attack .

The and prohibit public officials from using the government machinery to promote themselves or their political allies during elections.

After Mexico’s National Electoral Institute told the president at press conferences, he said the . He successfully it before the .

Such moves have polarized the Mexican electorate.

Police guard an office of Mexico’s National Electoral Institute in Chilpancingo, Mexico, the day before the midterm elections.

 

López Obrador maintains the support of of Mexicans, who crave the promised “transformation” of their long-struggling nation. But many civil society leaders and intellectuals in the president’s combative rhetoric and policy agenda.

Since 2018, Morena and approved . Many have and .

Critics say López Obrador is creating a government grounded on his , without traditional checks and balances, and weakening Mexico’s democratic institutions.

They cite, for example, a court reform billed as that unexpectedly and controversially Arturo ZaldĂ­var, a vocal LĂłpez Obrador ally.

Critics claim this maneuver and .

Other Morena legislation raises privacy concerns. A passed this year requires cellphone companies to gather users’ identification and biometric data, like eye scans, and turn it over to the government.

Simultaneously, Morena has , a government watchdog that .

[Understand what’s going on in Washington. .]

The president also threatened to after it rebuked him for electioneering at his morning press conferences.

‘To hell with their institutions’

In 2006, LĂłpez Obrador ran for president and lost by 0.56 percentage points to . He cried fraud and contested the result.

“!” he said after .

It was López Obrador’s first of two failed presidential runs.

Now, he’s president. But López Obrador still seems convinced that the institutions of Mexican democracy – its independent judiciary, its election watchdogs, its budget monitors – are against him.

Mexican voters had the option to strengthen López Obrador’s grasp on power. But they used the midterms to maintain democratic constraints on the presidency, checking an ambitious president’s legislative agenda.

This article has been corrected to more accurately characterize the ideological positioning of Mexico’s mainstream political parties.The Conversation


 

, Senior Lecturer in Human Rights, Constitutional Law and Legal Theory,

This article is republished from under a Creative Commons license. 


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